Due to the fact that nobody has posted a reply yet to the most recent update, I’ve decided to go ahead and make a map in regards to the factions coming into the upcoming riots. Please note that the factions themselves aren’t ‘set in stone’ and are really fluid in their beliefs (and example being the ‘moderates’, some being more nationalist, with others being in favour of the restructuring of the Communist party or perhaps even removing it from power).
Communists – Representing the ‘nomenklatura’, or the conservative and reactionary Communists of the old Brezhnev era, this faction is led in government by Isatullo Khayoyev (a position that has been hurt after caving and giving the Makhkamov-Rakhmonov bloc his support) and in public by the more-and-more popular Rakhman Nabiyev. This factions main support comes from the more industrialised, Russophone north with some support in the heavily Russian southern cities of Kalininabad and Dangara.
Moderates – With support coming mainly from the large cities of Dushanbe, Nurek and Navabad in the central-west and Khorugh in the east, this faction is a broad coalition of both Communist and non-Communists who wish to reform the current systems that had been put in place by the ‘nomenklatura’. Led in the Tajik government by Kakhar Makhkamov (who supports simply the base reforms of Perestroika and Glasnost) and Imomali Rakhmonov (who supports a far more liberal-nationalist agenda that is concerned with extending Tajik autonomy), the faction is further splintered by the popularity of Gennady Ubaydulloyev in the Soviet government (who supports the extension of Glasnost and Perestroika as well as arguing for more autonomy to the SSRs).
Nationalists – Led unofficially and loosely by the figures of the underground newspapers and political parties (including Rastokhez), the nationalists support a wholly independent approach to Tajik politics. Supporting the extension of autonomy or even the nation’s complete independence, this factions support comes mainly from the agricultural south of the nation (with its only major industrial support emanating from Qurghonteppa), as well as the more ethnically diverse towns towards the east (it’s members radicalised by the presence of minorities such as Pamiris and Kirghizis).
Pamiris – With support coming primarily out of the poor agricultural towns and small Pamiri-majority cities in the Gorno-Badakhshan Oblast, this faction supports the growth of autonomy of their Oblast, or even the complete independence of the Pamiri people. Having not come out in complete force as of yet (due to the current infighting between the Communists and Moderates), upcoming events would soon rock the region into ethnic instability.
Religious – The smallest of the current groups, the religious faction is a loosely led, loosely defined section of the Tajik SSR’s society and is by far the smallest. With support concentrated primarily in the rural towns on the Tajik-Afghan border (with members pocketed in agricultural regions throughout the country), it’s adherents support a move of the nation towards more religious based law (which in turn supports separation from the USSR), and is currently ‘led’ in the west by men such as the Sunni teacher, Sayid Abdulloh Nuri. In the eastern town of Iskashim, the Pamiri majority are currently protesting the government through the lens of local Shiite tradition (the Shiite branch of Islam being the majority among the Pamiri peoples).
I’m currently expecting the next update to be ready in about about a day, so please bare with me.
A Bitter Beginning (November to December 1989)
November 1 – After months of ‘spreading the word’ of God in an attempt to facilitate the growth of religious opposition to the Communist government, Sayid Abdulloh Nuri was attacked in the small town of Khonabad. Whilst walking the streets at night, several assailants stripped him of his clothes and beat him into unconsciousness in the process of stealing several pieces of jewellery he had with him at the time. Several days after the attack, Nuri would claim that those that brutalised him were a group of Communist youths.
November 3 – Despite the push against him by the Central Committee of the Tajik Communist Party earlier in the year, Gennady Ubaydulloyev received an unexpected endorsement of support by the recently appointed Central Committee member Imomali Rakhmonov. Speaking in the Supreme Soviet during a round of reformist debates, Rakhmonov claimed that the Tajik member for the Soviet Chamber of People’s Deputies was one of the most honourable statesmen in the Republic’s recent history, claiming that his call to push for more democracy shadowed his own. This statement sent a shock wave through the Central Committee members despite First Secretary Makhkamov’s assurance that he would retain all the positions recently granted to him.
November 5 – For the third time in the year, a band of over a dozen Afghan drug runners were caught attempting to cross the Panj River into the Pamiri city of Ishkashim. The captures came at a time of rising sectarian-fuelled violence between the underground drug (primarily opium) traders and a local religious vigilante group termed the ‘Fighters of the Soul’ by the national newspapers, a group whose members conducted several illegal raids on the smuggler’s compounds to the indignation of the local law enforcement.
Furthermore, moderates, reformists and nationalists in the city of Kulob came out in droves to protest recent restrictions of travel by the local Communist Secretary. In temporary measures officially meant to curb the recent trend of rising violence against the city’s minorities, restrictions were placed on the time streetcars and trains could be caught, as well as a prohibition on travelling throughout the densely populated, Uzbek and Pamiri majority regions of Kulob. During the protest, several buildings were smashed as a single Tajik was taken to the hospital in critical condition after being falsely identified as a Pamiri.
November 6 – In one of the most egregious acts of violence that occured during the latter half of 1989, three elderly Armenian men in Kolkhozabad were murdered in broad daylight by a group of radical Tajik nationalists. Shortly after losing their own home to a recent storm, the five family members (as they were believed to have been) latched onto recent rumours that the government was increasing the rate of Armenian settlement in the Republic and sought revenge against the next group that they saw, murdering the three elderly men with planks of wood and bricks, soon being arrested by the militsiya.
November 7 – During the annual celebration of the Great October Socialist Revolution, held with a commemorative (albeit minor) military parade in Dushanbe, several small violent confrontations break out among the more isolated crowds in the city. Despite the militsiya, military and KGB carefully overlooking the multitude to ensure that no member of the large group stepped ‘out of line’ or usher in a protest, several members of more isolated groups in the city were attacked during the law enforcement’s presence in the town centre. With dozens of Communists, moderates and nationalists facing the brunt of sectarian attacks over the course of the day, the watch force paid the violence no mind if only to ensure that it did not come anywhere near the primary, larger group of citizens attending the parade in the capital. During the march of soldiers, First Secretary Makhkamov made an appearance before his people to announce the recent allocation of housing funds that would go towards increasing build projects across the nation, a proclamation met with few cheers (due to the public’s distrust of their Communist government).
November 8 – Coming out after days of rising ethnic violence (of which he had originally believed to have been ended with pacts and legislation he passed over the past year), Kakhar Makhkamov is greeted by over ten thousand citizens in Dushanbe. Speaking out against the growth of violence against minority ethnic groups (paying particular attention to Pamiris and Armenians), the First Secretary made a strong request to his nation to remain united in ‘these troubled economic times’, assuring his constituency that no special privilege was being given to any group (an assurance few would grow to believe).
Meanwhile in Navabad, after a month and a half of existence the over 500 inaugural members of Rastokhez met to discuss the internal affairs of the party, primarily the party leadership. Over the course of the four ballots between the founders Tohir Abdujabbor and Mirbobo Mirrahim, the former was elected the party’s first leader on the basis of his prior political activities and his high profile nature. Bozor Sobir, while deciding to not run for the leadership position of his new-found party, choose to throw his support behind Abdujabbor whilst also announcing his candidacy for the upcoming February 1990 elections (in which he would run as an independent due to the fact that the Communist Party was the only ‘legal’ party in the nation).
November 9 – Whilst speaking before a crowd of thousands on the streets of Leninabad in the midst of the rising housing crisis, Rakhman Nabiyev was protested by a number of moderates and nationalists who opposed his call to returning the nation to his perceivably corrupt policies. During the movement of the reformists, several confrontations broke out between them and the Nabiyev supporters before the entire procession broke into open fighting in which even the former First Secretary was forced into. With the violence lasting well over an hour, Nabiyev returned to his stage to continue his speech after the militsiya had dispersed the protesters, a move that would receive a standing ovation from the crowd below.
November 10 – Internal tensions flared as Pamiri people clashed with local law enforcement in Vanj, the people of the city incensed at the growing violence of the Tajik people elsewhere in the nation. During their march down the town’s main street, they shouted out anti-government, anti-Communist slogans in the midst of traditional Pamiri saying, their ‘leader’, a popular local member of the town council Humayon Mulkomonov, chanting that the Tajik people held unfair control over the Gorno-Badakhshan Oblast. Following a brief confrontation with the militsiya in which over 50 marchers were injured, Mulkomonov was taken into the law’s custody.
Concurrently, after the report returned to Dushanbe following the extended defence talks in Moscow, the Committee for Tajik Defence (as well as the Tajik delegates to the Kremlin) finally announced that a breakthrough in diplomacy was being reached. Announcing that the Soviet government would be willing to increase military subsidies in the SSR if the Tajik government would be willing to increase private initiatives in regards to the industrial economy, the breakthrough came at a time in which the pay to many soldiers in the 202nd and 206th Motor Divisions were becoming less frequent.
November 12 – During an internal session of the Central Committee of the Tajik Communist Party, People’s Deputy Rakhmonov was given the floor for the first time after only two weeks in the congress. During his speech before the party’s highest ranking members, the Deputy Economic Minister called that the primary way to pull the nation out of economic spiral was the extension of the Kremlin’s Perestroika policies, and ‘perhaps even beyond them’. The presentation was met with applause by the reformists as Rakhmonov detailed the failures of the current closed-market system, primarily in pointing out the declining GDP per capita, which in 1989 stood at only 3,300 Soviet Roubles.
A result of prolonged, disastrous economic policies by the Tajik government; many across the SSR were facing poverty and homelessness
November 14 – During a housing march in the town of Hisor, members of the militsiya and KGB arrested several protesters after they retaliated against violence of three law enforcement officials. Having been attacked earlier in the day, several protesters surrounded the three members of the militsiya who had brutalised the marchers, beating them in a retaliatory attack that was later met with imprisonment and charges of assault.
November 15 – In the midst of continuing economic talks within the Central Committee sessions, the influential member of the Leninabad ‘nomenklatura’ and the then Deputy Chairman of the Supreme Council, Usmon Ghanievich Usmonov, stood up in front of the over-one hundred members of the Tajik government that composed of the Committee to proclaim his support behind Rakhmonov and his plans to extend Perestroika. Coming as a shock to the remaining conservative members of the SSR’s government due to Usmonov’s history as a perceived kleptocrat who ‘owned’ a number of leased properties around the nation, the Deputy Chairman proclaimed that the “only way forward for the nation was reform”.
November 18 – In one of the most shocking political events of the year, three days after the revelation that he would put his full support behind any reforms initiated by the Makhkamov government, Usmon Ghanievich Usmonov was found dead in his spacious Kulob apartment. Arriving home the previous day, an official government report detailing the death claimed that he had died from “self-inflected wounds” with an “abundance of medical chemicals” being found in his system, although Rakhmonov and his reformist/moderates expressed doubt in the validity of the story. Years later, a secretary of the Deputy Economic Minister would claim that Rakhmonov was paranoid that Makhkamov was eliminating those that would erode at his own power base, Usmonov included.
Meanwhile in Kalininabad and Dangara, Rakhman Nabiyev led a march of over a thousand anti-reformist, reactionary Communist members across the two towns. Chanting down the recent fall of support for the conservatives in the Tajik government as well as the economic and political reforms of Kakhar Makhkamov which they believed left the SSR far less safe in terms of homelessness, poverty, crime and general safety, ‘Nabiyev’s Men’ as the newspapers had dubbed them were slowly growing more and more restless and reckless in their more recent marches, with dozens of nationalists and moderates being injured over the course of the demonstrations.
November 20 – Almost four months after the founding of the first “economic commission”, the Central Committee advises the formation of a second, this time led wholly by the Ministry for Economy (Minister Qodi Soevich and his Deputy Rakhmonov) with oversight from the members of the Supreme Soviet and Central Committee. Being formed in the advent of Usmon Usmonov’s recent death, an event that fractured the government conservatives even more so than the recent resignation of Gaibnasar Pallayev, the moderates and reformists formed the major leading members on the economic commission and vowed to their followers that they would “force through their policies”.
November 21 – In the front of decreasing tensions throughout the capital over recent weeks, especially after the relatively calm Great October Socialist Revolution Day parade, graffiti was found covering the statue of Lenin in down town Dushanbe. Being one of the largest statues of the Communist leader in Central Asia, local law enforcement found it was covered in large nationalist slogans along with xenophobic mantras (including anti-Armenian and anti-Pamiri scribblings) which caused a backlash from the local right-wing of the Communist Party, the Chairman of the Dushanbe Council decrying the act as “spitting on the legacy of the greatest man in the past century”.
The Lenin statue in Dushanbe, one of the largest in Central Asia
November 23 – In the light of the recent strengthening of the moderates and reformists over the past two months, Interior Minister Sherali Makhkamov (not related to Kakhar Makhkamov) met an audience in Kulob to remember the death of his long-time friend Usmon Usmonov, as well as officially note his opposition to the reforms of his government, especially Imomali Rakhmonov’s reformists. Attended also by the Propaganda Minister Rashid Qutbuddinovich as well as the Minister of Public Education Talbak Nazarov, all of whom saw their images soon printed across Pravada as anti-reformism was slowly becoming more palatable to more of the Tajik citizens, the three men rallied around the small but radical Communist support in the town to deliver their message of opposition nationwide.
November 24 – In a brief session of the Central Committee, First Secretary Makhkamov fired back against the three dissident members who had recently seen the applause of hundreds of Kulob citizens. Attacking their inability to face the changes needed to help reform and rebuild the economy and society of the SSR, he further went into detail on how he would be willing to support any extension of the land-lease policy as directed by recently formed Soevich-Rakhmonov economic commission, as well increase public privatisation to see the Kremlin’s promised increase of military subsidies, all to the chagrin of the conservatives.
Meanwhile in Garm, the leading members of the Rastokhez party met in a local library to discuss the upcoming first party conference (set for December 14th), as well as publish a list of the over 100 inaugural members who they would be considering to run in the upcoming February elections. With Tohir Abdujabbor, Mirbobo Mirrahim and Bozor Sobir all included in the list of potential candidates (the latter having already announced his intention of running), the group had begun to plan a series of speeches and marches around the nation’s east to drum up support behind nationalism and reform, including a protest in Dushanbe in late-December that had argued would bring over ten thousand ‘young democrats’, moderates and reformists, to help them in the lead up to the ballot as well as erode the support of the communists.
November 26 – Internal tensions flared as this time religious temperaments saw to an anti-Kyrgyz, anti-Sunni riot in the Pamiri-majority town of Murgab. With some assailants having attacked the Kyrgyz whilst they were leaving their Sunni Mosque just outside the small town, brutalising them with knives and stones, the attacks came during a period of rising religious tensions in the east, especially in regards to the influx of Sunni majority Kyrgyz people into Shiite Pamiri communities. All attackers were eventually caught by the local militsiya, although they could not stop over a dozen members of the minority group from being injured.
November 28 – Despite days of silence on the matter, Rakhman Nabiyev finally made his appearance before Leninabad to discuss the massive rise of reformism in the Tajik Supreme Soviet and Central Committee, as well the status of both Isatullo Khayoyev and Usmon Usmonov. Despite decrying their ‘failure’ to effectively oppose the efforts of the Deputy Economic Minister and First Secretary, as well as the ‘weakening’ of all conservatives in the government, he argued that the reformists had blinded the reactionaries into submission, as well as saying that despite his capitulation to Imomali Rakhmonov, Usmonov’s death was one of the greatest blows to ‘true Communism’ in recent years.
Over 200km away in the city of Nurek, a housing protest slowly grew out of hand as homeless marchers met and fought a group of militsiya. Although it remains unknown on who started the confrontation, the small group of protesters numbering in the lower hundreds fought back violently against the law enforcement after they attempted to disperse of the group following a complaint by the local Communist members of the Nurek City Council and its Council Secretary. Ultimately sparking a short-lived riot in which five citizens saw their lives lost, the militsiya was able to successfully rein them in over a period of several hours, the time it took to capture the violent protesters later sparking more protests from locals.
November 29 – Following the raiding of another underground newspaper several nights previous in the city of Navavad, a number of reformist-moderate protesters marched out on the street of Dushanbe to decry the KGB and law enforcement for their “blatant infringement of the rights of Glasnost”. Furthermore, they called out in numbers to the ever more popular Rakhmonov in an appeal to the politician to help aid in their push for a more open, more liberal government, something the Deputy Economic Minister was less willing to proceed with than his push for extending Perestroika.
November 30 – Although they were not usually known for their nationalistic violence, several Kyrgyz workers in the northern town of Isfara were brutally beaten by a group of conservative Communists. Having planned the attack for weeks, the group preparing the violent ambush against the ‘foreigners’ after they were convinced they were handed their jobs in the local steel factory by the government whilst believing that Tajiks wouldn’t be granted the same opportunities, the Kyrgyz workers were left in critical states after being beaten with clubs and bricks.
December 2 – Following the call out by the conservative Communists in the Supreme Soviet and Central Committee to oppose government-led reforms, First Secretary Soibnazar Beknazarov of the Gorno-Badakhshan Oblast announced that he offer complete support to Makhkamov (for whom he had to thank for his current position, it being given to him due to a show of loyalty in the Supreme Council in 1987). Declaring that the all the ‘far-right’ Communists had to offer was sectarianism and division in the midst of troubled economic times, his words spoke to the moderates and pro-reformist population that served as the majority in his Oblast, further cementing his position after a year of increased economic support from the Soviet Union.
December 4 – The Tajik delegates originally sent to Moscow in May earlier in the year finally returned to their home nation with a full draft proposal drawn up by both themselves and members of the Defence Minister in the Kremlin. With the document granting the Tajik government the right to build several RSFSR-controlled military bases in towns across the Panj River border on a 20 year lease beginning in July 1990, the proposal also would allow for the increase of ‘controlled military subsidies’ (capped subsidies that would flow to the Tajik military every month) due for renewal every ten years. Furthermore, despite refusing to directly fund the increase of military industrial growth, the document did allow for the growth of private industry and the number of land-leased farms in exchange for the increase of industrial subsidies to government-owned farmland. The document was taken to the Minister of Defence Rahimov Saidovich and the Central Committee for debate and ratification.
December 6 – In an internal session of the Central Committee, First Secretary Makhkamov took to the floor to throw his full support behind the RSFSR-Tajik defence initiative after the introduction of the motion in the national legislature. Announcing that the motion would be the greatest compromise for all the factions within the fractured and sectionalised Communist Party, which would allow for the growth of the military industrial sector (something supported strongly by the conservatives in the Supreme Soviet and on the Central Committee), as well as allow for the growth of private industry (as a part of the moderate and reformist plans for the extension of Perestroika). The reactionaries in government, now ‘led’ by the Minister for Public Education Talbak Nazarov, announced that whilst they would not support the proposal without undue debate, they would not attempt to bare its passage through government.
The Minister for Public Education, Talbak Nazarov
December 7 – Following a violent private confrontation between the victims and the assailants, several stones are thrown through the window of an Armenian leased store in Qurghonteppa. Coming during a period of growing ethnic violence against minorities in the town in which Uzbeks, Armenians, Pamiris, Afghans and even Russians were attacked in several incidents across the SSR’s southern regions, the action of December 5 prompted several influential and local minorities to draft and post a petition to Qurghonteppa’s Communist city council requesting that they increase efforts to put an end to the nearly unceasing violence.
December 9 – On the first day of official debate regarding the joint Dushanbe-Moscow military and industrial proposal, the reactionaries and conservatives began to push back against the growing reformism in the Supreme Soviet with a united effort to shout down Deputy Economic Minister Imomali Rakhmonov during his speech in support of the Kremlin-backed initiative. Arguing that the radical increase of private land ownership would adversely affect those that already leased government-owned land, as well as decrease the availability of public assets that would otherwise be available to the government, the conservative leader Talbak Nazarov furthered his statement by stating that the Soviet government was also at fault by not “doing their duty” to protect the Panj River border without having forcing Gorbachev’s reforms on the nation.
Meanwhile in towns and cities such as Navabad, Garm, Obigarm and Chidara, the Rastokhez party finally began their nationwide electoral campaign with several campaigns throughout locations such as the aforementioned cities. Appearing in front of thousands of citizens across the several localities, members such as Mirbobo Mirrahim and Bozor Sobir made their high profile emergence to the field of politics, both men reading from a series of speeches written by the latter. In the addresses, the various members who made their public appearances on this day announced that they would offer full support to the reformists in the Tajik government, open the economy, seek more autonomy for their nation and protect every citizen of the country, a message that was well received by the nation’s youth.
December 10 – The first food riots begin as homeless citizens in areas affected by the January earthquake (as well as their supporters, the majority of which were conservative Communists) marched against the Central Committee and the Dushanbe Communists after food promised by the Makhkamov-government failed to arrive in both time or quantity assured to the populace. Chanting anti-government and anti-reformist slogans as they begged for support from the people of Hisor, Tursunzade and Yavan, the local governments (all loyal to the Central Committee in the capital) worked quickly to mobilize the militsiya in an attempt to disperse the crowds that began to form, effectively silencing them for the time being as they were moved back to the ‘temporary’ tent towns in which they lived.
December 11 – Continuing through the debates in the Supreme Soviet of the recent military proposals, the conservatives and anti-reformists carried on with their aggressive stance against further privatisation, First Secretary Makhkamov finally took to the floor during the time of vitriolic discussion, arguing that whilst the Tajik nation had to temper itself with privatisation and the land-lease system, the conservatives would finally be receiving the military spending increase that they had long fought for. The statement, whilst being taken by the most radical reformists in the Supreme Soviet and Central Committee as opposition to their plans to extend Perestroika, was ultimately supported by the moderate-reformist leader, Imomali Rakhmonov.
December 13 – Despite the increase of military spending (and therefore an increase of wage) being argued amongst the members of the Central Committee, hundreds of soldiers across military barracks on border towns such as Panj, Shuroabad, Kalaikhum and Kalot rise up against their superiors in displays of opposition to both the Soviet and Tajik governments. Being both young members of the 202nd and 206th Motor Divisions, those that grew into protest refused to follow even the most basic orders given by their leaders after many had to forgo pay for months. Indignation rose as some of the men even barricaded the gates leading to their compounds, sealing themselves off from replacements.
December 14 – After only three short months of existence, the Rastokhez party held their first nation congress in the city of Navabad in which over a thousand ‘members’ (unofficial due to the fact that there could be no other registered parties in the Tajik SSR besides the Communists) in attendance. Officially announcing a list of 185 candidates who would run in the upcoming elections as independents, the leader Tohir Abdujabbor made his first official appearance as leader of the party before a large audience, again stating the pro-reformist, pro-nationalist goals of Rastokhez whilst also attacking the ‘weak and divided’ Communists in an attack that received a standing ovation.
December 17 – After nearly a year of lack of food and the construction of new homes for those affected in the January earthquake, student protesters across the nation’s central region, especially those attending Dushanbe universities, moved out onto the streets together to protest the government’s inaction and failure to commit to the crisis’ that gripped the nation in one unified, coordinated effort. Acting quickly in an attempt to silence the movement before it grew too out of control, the Makhkamov-government sent in troops of militsiya to put an end to the action (or at least disperse the majority of the groups that numbered into their hundreds), failing as the protesters fought back against the law enforcement.
December 18 – Continuing on from the day previous, the student protesters came out again in force, this backed up by protesters of the Rastokhez party who had originally been planning their marches since October. Again calling out against the government due to its failures to end the spiralling economic condition of both the country and the Tajik citizens, they bellowed slogans that attacked their government and First Secretary Makhkamov, announcing their support behind even more radical economic and social reforms. During the march, several members of the crowd were taken into militsiya custody, however, the arrests didn’t deter the rest of the protesting community who continued to fight back.
Meanwhile in the military barracks across the south of the SSR, militsiya and draft replacements for the protesting soldiers began to meet in conflict as the demonstrating, a number of indignant soldiers continued to stand up against their generals and superiors, physically holding down the gates to their barracks or military compounds. In one incident in Kalot, one protesting soldier was shot to death in the process of throwing bricks at a replacement contingent that had just arrived, his comrades joining in the fight after his death resentful over his death, later sending a call out to newspapers and radio stations across the nation to continue to march against the “brutal oppression of the Communist government”.
December 19 – Across the nation, protests began to turn more and more violent as student protesters, moderates and reformists among them, were attacked (and attacked) the law enforcement and militsiya who were sent to finally disperse them after two days of near constant rising tensions. Meeting the demonstrators in the streets of Dushanbe, Kofarnikon, Obigarm, Navabad and Kulob (just to name a few), the law enforcement attempted to first peacefully see the crowd return home, but after the revelation of the incident at the Kalot barracks during midday, the protesters began to become far more defensive against dispersal attempts. Despite members of Rastokhez (including Bozor Sobir) urging the dissenters to find a peaceful solution, the student demonstrators began to throw projectiles at government forces as tensions began to boil over, the nationalists joining the opposition in droves following the news of further soldier-led resistance in barracks across the SSR.
Students hurling projectiles at the Dushanbe militsiya
Meantime in the Central Committee, the absence of several key conservative and reactionary Communists from the legislature during the beginning of the protests finally allowed the government to vote on whether or not the draft proposals for defence would be accepted. Led by First Secretary Makhkamov, the Supreme Soviet, Council and members of the Central Committee voted on a near-unanimous ballot to agree to the Kremlin’s proposals, although they declared that they would continue to strive for a raise in the level of capped-subsidies, stating that the extension of privatisation would do far more harm than good to the SSR’s economy.
Later on that night, the First Secretary appeared before the state-run television to announce before the cameras of his intentions regarding the protesters, both student, soldier, reformist and nationalists. Beginning by claiming that all opposition members of the government that were involved in the protests were “disrupting hard fought peace” that his government had slowly built up after the corruption of the Nabiyev-era, he went onto claim that they were planning to throw the entire state into disarray and tear the SSR away from the Soviet Union (which he had informed of his situation earlier in the day). He finished his statement by claiming that violence against law enforcement had grown far too out of hand, and that the militsiya would need to employ force to defeat the destabilizing threat “by any means necessary”.
* * * * * * * * * *
By Michael Buchanan
Sep 26, 2014
Part 1: https://tajikopposition.com/2014/09/26/the-alternate-history-the-land-below-god-a-tajik-timline-1/
Part 2: https://tajikopposition.com/2014/09/28/the-alternate-history-the-land-below-god-a-tajik-timline-2/
Part 3: https://tajikopposition.com/2014/09/28/354/
Well, here is the next part. Whilst it took a bit longer than I wished (with that part being much longer than I originally intended), I hope any readers find this latest update to be interesting. The next part will come out sometime over the next two days, and will go into detail on the final days the years amidst growing riots, and will involve blood. Again, thanks for reading.